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6 Although Sonam Wangchuk (b. 1936), the Lonpo of Karsha, Zangskar, has had many photographs of himse (.)ģ This essay, however, will focus on the period of time when photography by and for Himalayan subjects was still relatively new (the late 19 th century and the first two-thirds of the 20 th ) 6.Newer types of compositions associated with the informal, spontaneous, and ubiquitous cellphone photography and social-media circulatory networks are overtaking the older, more conservative modes. This is true from the first phases of portrait photography to the present, because the older modes continue to circulate alongside newer ones even though they are predictably fading in importance. I will show that the most common compositions for early portrait photographs of teachers draw closely on earlier templates already well-established by painting and sculpture for such portraits.
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Those terms developed out of pre-photographic media representations. nga 'dra ma phyag mdzod ) (Stoddard 2003). 'dra bag, sku 'bag ), “portrait approved by the sitter” (Tib. My focus is on portraits of religious teachers and lineage-holders, one of the most highly developed genres of Himalayan art as reflected in subtle differences of Tibetan language terminology for “effigy” (Tib.
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Ģ My central thesis is that one of the most important aspects of the pioneering use of photography in Western Himalayan Buddhist contexts is its ongoing visual relationship to and with pre-photographic media, including sculpture, printing, and especially painting, which, post-exposure, enhanced the photographs to work for the intended audience. I have tried to keep this in mind as I draw some conclusions 5. Perhaps this recursive limitation points toward one of the central paradoxes of photography itself, the purported indexicality of the photograph: while a photograph seems to objectively record a moment of reality, in actuality it constructs a fictional moment from which it quotes, totally out of context. The method used, ironically, is based on photographic documentation of photographs existing in the field, mainly in monasteries or personal shrines. display) of one genre of photographs by local agents, in particular the circulation, combination, transformation, and exhibition of portrait photographs within monasteries and shrines in the Western Himalayan regions of Ladakh and Zangskar. The purpose of this paper is to examine the construction and use (i.e. It is important to take the forms seriously as constructed images, and to identify the image-making conventions such as pose, gesture, dress, and objects observed by Tibetan photographers and recognized by their local audiences. This is in a sense to move from describing the context of the photography – primarily informational – to examining how it works, the processes of signification 4. When compared with recovering and reconstructing the circumstances in which photographs were made, the identification of photographer and subject matter, and the circulation and impact of the images in the Himalayas and elsewhere, less has been accomplished in the way of analyzing the formal properties of the photographs themselves 3. This is a topic that merits further critical attention, even as scholars are reflexively reviewing their own practices. Progress has also been made in the same works on the history of the ways that photographs, old and new, have been creatively employed by peoples of the Himalayas 2. Emphasis has been placed on the uses and abuses of pioneering, exploration, and exploitation photography in the Himalayas in Euro-American and particularly Orientalist contexts. The history of photography in Tibet and the Himalayas generally has been much advanced by the work of Clare Harris and others, particularly in identifying the photographers, subjects, locations, and circumstances in which early photographs were made 1. The assumed “truth value” of photographs led to an unquestioned, self-evidentiary approach to the photograph as document, a sentiment that remains alive and well.